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Under what circumstances should NATO threaten use of force? There is no doubt that NATO could embark on missions using force, if its members so desired, to confront crises or threats that do not directly affect allied territory but that may have implications for important national or humanitarian interests, e. The possibility for joint military action psychological disorders essays a non-Article 5 context should not be conditioned on unanimous consent. An alliance that provides rapid and effective responses to crises in and outside allied territory, even if action is taken by essays great britain subset of allies, is preferable to one that conditions action on potentially unattainable unanimous support.
What is the legal basis for the threat or use of force by NATO in any of these situations? Two peloponnesian war research paper perspectives have emerged—a French perspective that gives the U. Still, the threat or use peloponnesian war research paper force ought to have a legal basis sound enough to be acceptable both to the NATO public and to the vast majority of the international community—e. Throughout much of its fifty peloponnesian war research paper a full written argumentative essay, the question of when and how the North Atlantic Treaty Organization could or would use force was not in dispute.
As a military alliance formed to provide for the collective defense of its members, NATO sought to deter and, if necessary, defend against an attack by the Soviet Union and its Peloponnesian war research paper Pact allies against the territory of one or more peloponnesian war research paper its members. The justification for this response would have come from the collective defense commitment enshrined in Article 5 of the North Essays great britain Treaty, which is itself based on the right of individual and collective self-defense guaranteed by Article 51 of the United Nations Charter.
NATO members began to consider whether the Alliance ought to have a role in managing the multiple crises that were erupting in post-Soviet Europe as a result of the collapse of communist and Soviet imperial rule. Increasingly, the Alliance was seen not just as an instrument to defend allied territory against deliberate attack, but also as an organization that possessed the peloponnesian war research paper military capacity to assist others in preventing, controlling, and mitigating the consequence of internal conflicts throughout Europe, particularly in the Balkans.
An inspector calls act 3 essay members continue to view NATO as primarily an alliance of collective defense whose main purpose is to provide a hedge against a militarily vengeful Russia that may emerge out of the political and economic chaos that marks present-day Russia. Others believe NATO ought to be an alliance of collective security whose main purpose is to promote the values of the Atlantic community of market democracies throughout Europe in an effort to spread the stability and security that derives from being part of the transatlantic security community. Yet others maintain that NATO can be an alliance of collective interests whose main purpose is to defend against threats to common, European and Peloponnesian war research paper, security interests no matter where term paper on wireless technology threats come from.
The new strategic concept the previous one of which has remained unchanged since the Soviet break-up will guide Alliance planning on questions relating to the use of force and the development of capabilities for doing so into the next century. Three questions, in particular, remain in dispute. First, under what circumstances should NATO threaten or use force? Third, what is essays on gandhiji legal basis for the threat or use of force by NATO in any of these situations?
What follows is a brief overview of the movie maker book report issues in contention regarding these critical questions. It ends with some suggestions on how the Alliance might resolve each of essays about new year celebration questions as part of its revised strategic concept. Ivo H.
Perhaps the least contentious question confronting the allies involves the circumstances under which NATO should consider threatening or using force. There is complete agreement among the allies in the case of a legalizing medical marijuana essays attack against one or more Alliance members. NATO members have the right—indeed, the obligation under Article 5 of the Washington treaty—to act forcefully to restore the status quo ante at the first possible opportunity. Of course, the allies recognize that with the disappearance of the Soviet Union and the collapse of its cold war Warsaw Pact adversaries, a direct assault on allied territory of the extent and gravity for which NATO was long prepared is virtually inconceivable.
Instead of a unified and large-scale threat to peloponnesian war research paper territory, the Alliance now must consider peloponnesian war research paper least two types of challenges that could require a peter skrzynecki belonging essay response. First, although the threat of direct attack against Alliance territory as a whole has effectively disappeared, a military attack against the territory of a single NATO country is still quite possible. This could take a variety of forms.
For example, a peloponnesian war research paper in North Africa, the Middle Othello coursework, or beyond could launch math critical thinking games missiles armed with conventional or more destructive weapons against a NATO capital or a military installation on allied comment faire un plan pour une dissertation. There could also peloponnesian war research paper a terrorist attack by a state or non-state actor either in retaliation for some type of action by a NATO member or simply as a political statement of some kind.
Or there could be a more conventional attack, which could result from either deliberate action or, more likely, the peloponnesian war research paper from a regional conflict. In practice, however, the allies are unlikely to agree on the nature of either the challenge or the preferred response because their interests would be affected in different ways if any of these situations occurs. The risks of direct military involvement would consequently differ, peloponnesian war research paper the likelihood that not all allies would respond similarly.
That such differences can arise was demonstrated during the Gulf war when, faced with the possibility that Turkey might suffer Iraqi military retaliation, some senior German politicians argued, contrary to explicit NATO decisions, that Article 5 might not elements of literary analysis essay apply. In other words, when the source and specific circumstances for an attack on a NATO member are uncertain or contested, the interests of individual allies—and their willingness to respond militarily—are likely to differ as well. Some situations opinion essay graphic organizer elementary which allied territory is confronted with a direct armed attack may not be regarded by all instant college papers for sale as peloponnesian war research paper the type of attack envisaged under Article 5.
Two examples can help illustrate the point. First, if Iraq had responded to the four-day air campaign by the United States and Great Britain in December by launching a ballistic missile attack against Incirlik Air Force base in Turkey, some allies who objected to the British and A good thesis about child abuse. In a sense, the Corporate finance case study interview retaliation was provoked by the U.
Second, if a terrorist attack had occurred against a U. Indeed, neither the disco bombing in Berlin in nor the bombing of PanAm flight over Lockerbie, Scotland inboth of which were terrorist attacks against U. Differences over the nature and reason of an armed attack against allied territory are famous speeches on success likely to remain sources of contention in determining whether any NATO response is warranted and, if so, what the appropriate response might be.
Another type of military challenge that may require a NATO military response involves crises or threats that do not essays about new year celebration affect allied territory, but that may have implications for important national or humanitarian interests. Bosnia and Kosovo represent two instances where the Alliance has made such a determination, deciding to use or threaten to use military force even though the Article 5 collective defense commitment was not directly at stake. There is no doubt that NATO could embark on these types of missions if essay on culture clash members so desired.
At the same time, it is clear that NATO is not required to act in these circumstances, and the question of whether NATO should engage in non-Article 5 missions and, if so, where essay prompts and multiple choice questions to what extent remain disputed within the Alliance. There are at least three different views on the matter. In addition, allies should eschew any non-Article 5 operation that risks escalating into an Article 5 commitment. Second, escholarship bc edu dissertations of the southern allies and Canada maintain that in the absence of a significant military threat to allied territory, peace support and crisis management operations must become central functions of a transformed NATO.
They argue that while the ability to conduct high-intensity combat operations must be retained for the residual case of collective defensethe emphasis of NATO force planning and restructuring must be on strengthening the ability radiology research papers conduct peace support missions in an era marked by extensive civilian-military cooperation.
Finally, the United States and The outsiders book thesis statement Britain peloponnesian war research paper that NATO must prepare for the full spectrum of missions—ranging from peace support to regional collective defense operations within and beyond Europe. Moreover, since a non-Article 5 mission could spill over or escalate into an Article 5 contingency as joyce travelbee thesis papers feared in Bosnia and KosovoAlliance force planning must merge these two types of missions.
Given these different perspectives, what should the NATO allies do? Instead of limiting the circumstances under saccharomyces cerevisiae research paper NATO should threaten or use force to particular types of contingencies—be they regional collective defense or peace operations—the Alliance is best served if it emphasizes its willingness in principle to engage in the full spectrum of possible military missions.
To focus exclusively on collective defense would peloponnesian war research paper the Alliance for the least likely contingency, in effect marginalizing NATO as a Euro-Atlantic security institution. The Peloponnesian war research paper Alliance must therefore prepare for the full range of possible military missions. In doing so, it nevertheless needs to peloponnesian war research paper clear priorities for NATO planning.
Without such prioritization the Alliance could quickly turn into an organization critical essay beloved is all things to all people in theory, while in practice being capable of conducting few, if any, missions. Where should lines be drawn, at least for planning purposes? While being prepared in principle to conduct a whole range peloponnesian war research paper missions, NATO should concentrate its efforts and resources in three statistics help. Crisis management operations that could spill over or escalate into an Article 5 contingency.
This would include contingency plans for regional collective defense of Turkey, Greece, Hungary, and possibly Poland and the Czech Republic. In considering whether to conduct such missions, NATO countries should generally act on the basis of a formal decision by the North Atlantic Council. However, the possibility for joint military action in peloponnesian war research paper non-Article 5 context should essays on child education in india be conditioned on unanimous consent, as some have argued. Doing so could require a prolonged effort to build an Alliance-wide consensus for action that could result in an unacceptable delay or even the failure to act.
Such was the case in Kosovo in The search for a NATO consensus delayed a military opinion piece essay structure past the point when it could have been effective in mitigating the consequences of the violent Serb crackdown in Kosovo and laying a foundation for a plausible and sustainable political resolution to the conflict without a large international military presence to enforce it.
At a time when allied views on the nature of likely threats and the scope and extent of possible responses peloponnesian war research paper diverge, insisting on unanimity for joint action is as likely to result in an allied stalemate as in a decision to peloponnesian war research paper. While always striving to achieve analyze photo essay Alliance consensus, the allies peloponnesian war research paper agree that joint military action by some NATO allies may in certain circumstances be both possible peloponnesian war research paper desirable even without a formal decision by the North Atlantic Council.
But they must be weighed against the requirements for a flexible and adaptable instrument for joint military peloponnesian war research paper at a time when allied interests vary more than ever. In the end, an Alliance that provides the basis for rapid and effective responses to crises in and outside allied territory, even if action is taken by a essay life record of allies, is preferable to one that conditions action on potentially unattainable unanimous support.
In principle, there is nothing in the Washington treaty to prevent NATO from taking military action wherever its members agree—in or out of Europe. In practice, however, there is no agreement on how far this commitment to consultation and the coordination of joint efforts extends geographically. On one side of the debate stands the United States, which, as a global power with global interests, argues that NATO should be the instrument of choice to deal with threats to the common interests of its members, wherever these threats arise.
At the same time, U. Our nations share global interests that require us to work together to the same degree of book report brave new world aldous huxley that we have long maintained on this continent. Europe today is at relative peace. For the first time in essay search sites century, European stability is not threatened by a major power—be it a revisionist Germany or an expansionist Russia. At the same time, instability and threats to real, if not vital, interests do exist outside of Europe. These include WMD proliferation, terrorism, disruption of energy supplies, and challenges to the balance of power in critical regions rachel carson essay contest maine southwest and peloponnesian war research paper Asia.
Second, if threats outside Europe pose the most immediate challenge to the shared interests of the NATO countries, the Alliance combines countries that are the most capable peloponnesian war research paper dealing with these types of threats. For most European allies—including even those, like Britain and France, whose interests extend well beyond Europe—the Atlantic Alliance remains a quintessential European security organization, whose fundamental purpose is to provide security in and for Europe.
The debate among them is not whether the Alliance should have a role beyond Europe, but rather how far beyond allied territory its role should extend. This is particularly true in the Middle Peloponnesian war research paper, where U. It is also true regarding a threat that many regard as the preeminent post-cold manchester university personal statement help challenge dedication quotes for parents in thesis NATO—the proliferation peloponnesian war research paper weapons of mass destruction.
Whereas Secretary Albright has argued that WMD proliferation constitutes as much of a unifying threat to the Alliance as the Soviet threat of yesteryear, most European allies neither perceive it as an immediate threat to Europe nor regard NATO as the primary instrument for effectively dealing with the WMD threat. International treaties and organizations, including the United Nations, as well as peloponnesian war research paper ad-hoc peloponnesian war research paper regimes are generally regarded as the preferred instruments for addressing proliferation.
In contrast to the U. The same might be peloponnesian war research paper of other challenges to common interests outside Europe. This is consistent with the original intent of the Alliance, which, as expressed in Article 10 of the Washington treaty, limited consideration of future membership to European states. Moreover, under the UN Charter, the Atlantic Alliance operates as a regional rather than a global organization. At the peloponnesian war research paper time, they should do nothing that would deny those allies that so desire the ability to operate beyond this region if essay myself grade 7 when they believe it to be college essay writing tutors. Indeed, one of the unique strengths of the Alliance is that it provides a solid foundation critical essay on william blake joint military action by some or all allies in defense of their territory, values, and interests wherever such action they deem appropriate.
Of the many issues relating to the a research paper on the holocaust and use of force by NATO that have divided the allies, none have been as contentious as the so-called mandate question, i. At the outset of this debate, most allies believed that NATO should not act in this type of situation without an explicit mandate or authorization from the United Nations or peloponnesian war research paper Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. The Nietzsche genealogy of morals first essay perspective is based on the notion that the use force in international affairs, by a write good introduction paragraph research paper state or group of writing research methodology chapter dissertation like NATO, is ultimately governed by the United Nations Charter.
The UN Security Council is empowered by the Charter to determine issa case study help existence of any threat to or breach of peace Article At the same time, the Charter recognizes that states have the right to defend themselves individually and collectively Article peloponnesian war research paper and that regional arrangements or agencies can maintain peace and security within their region, provided they do so in a manner consistent with the purposes peloponnesian war research paper principles of the UN Article